1.1 Estimates of the total number of jobs associated with mounted fox hunting in Scotland vary widely. For example, the Countryside Alliance have suggested that anywhere between 350 and 14 000 jobs may be dependent on mounted fox hunting in Scotland. On the other hand, a recent Aberdeen University study, which used Scottish data, estimated that mounted fox hunting supports only 176 Full-Time Equivalent (FTE) jobs.

1.2 However, the key question in the employment debate is not how many jobs fox hunting currently supports in the rural economy, but rather how many jobs will be lost as a result of a ban. For example, many of the jobs that currently depend on hunting would be retained if mounted fox hunters switched to drag or bloodhound hunting. Furthermore, even if some dedicated hunt followers forsake horse riding altogether new employment opportunities will certainly arise, for example through the conversion of stables to new uses.

1.3 Predicting the net impact of a ban on employment is difficult because considerable uncertainty surrounds the extent to which people will be retained in existing employment or re-employed in new activities that will replace hunting. This report seeks to address this issue by exploring the potential for growth in drag/bloodhound hunting, in new horse-related leisure activities, and in other rural businesses. The employment impact of expenditure by fox hunting households that would be redirected to other sectors of the local economy is also considered.

1.4 Drag hunting involves riding horses across open country in the pursuit of a scented drag trailed by a horse or runner. Bloodhound hunting is similar, but the hounds chase a human quarry (e.g. a local athlete). Supporters of fox-hunting claim that neither drag or bloodhound hunting could replace fox-hunting due to problems with land availability, and because they do not appeal to the vast majority of fox-hunters. However, there would appear to be little evidence to substantiate these claims. In Scotland there are many large contiguous areas of grassland likely to be suitable for both drag and bloodhound events, and many former fox-hunters have already switched to drag and bloodhound hunting south of the Border.

1.5 If dedicated fox hunters chose not to participate in drag or bloodhound hunting, it is improbable that they would stop riding altogether. Recent studies have shown that most hunting horses are not just kept purely for hunting, but are used in a wide variety of other activities. Hence, many of the jobs currently associated with horse care such as grooms and stable-hands, would be retained. Even in the unlikely event that some fox hunters actually gave up riding altogether they would still continue to spend money in the local economy and therefore continue to support local jobs. For example, when the Wigtownshire Hunt was disbanded in the early 1990’s, hunt members maintained their traditional social events such as the Hunt Ball.

1.6 Jobs could also be saved and/or created as a result of growth in other horse-related leisure activities that would be stimulated by a ban on fox hunting. Horse riding is becoming increasingly popular in Scotland, through participation in traditional activities such as hacking and pony-trekking, and in newer activities such as holiday-riding courses, and endurance riding. A ban on mounted fox hunting could potentially stimulate growth in both the supply of, and demand for, these activities. For example, new commercial ventures would benefit from the increased availability of land, labour and other resources. In addition to this ‘supply-side’ effect, it is also possible that a ban could stimulate demand for horse riding from people who were previously discouraged from participating in the sport as a result of its association with fox hunting.

1.7 Evidence to support the argument that a ban might encourage the growth of horse riding emerges from data on horse numbers provided by the Scottish Agricultural Census. Data for West and Mid-Lothian, the former territory of the Linlithgow and Stirlingshire Hunt, reveals that, since 1991 when the hunt was disbanded, horse numbers have increased faster than in any other area of Scotland. This trend is all the more remarkable given that there are no organised drag hunting events in the area. Although a range of factors can influence horse-ownership, the data suggests that the demise of fox hunting has had no long-term detrimental effect on horse ownership, and by implication horse-related employment, in the Lothians.

1.8 As in the case of new horse-riding ventures, the increased availability of resources such as buildings and labour would also stimulate the growth of other businesses: stables could be converted to office accommodation or to craft workshops, with land and labour used in new recreational activities. For example, the Gaelic College on Skye, Sabhal Mor Ostaig, which is now an important employer on the island, was originally housed in converted stables. The government should encourage the development of these new business opportunities through targeted financial assistance and the provision of market research information.

1.9 Overall, it would appear that a ban on fox hunting is unlikely to have any significant net impact on rural employment. Existing evidence suggests that many jobs would be retained by a switch to drag and/or bloodhound hunting, by the development of other horse-related activities, and by the creation of new rural businesses. Indeed, it is plausible that rural employment could actually rise as a result of a ban if new uses are more labour-intensive than fox hunting and/or demand for horse-riding increases among sections of society that are currently discouraged by the sports association with fox hunting.

2.1 The impact on rural employment of the proposed Private Member’s Bill to ban fox hunting has emerged as an important issue in the current debate. Estimates of the total number of jobs associated with mounted fox hunting in Scotland vary widely. For example, the Countryside Alliance suggest that anywhere between 350 and 14 000 jobs may be dependent on mounted fox hunting in Scotland. However, a more recent study (Macmillan, 1999), based on Scottish data, estimated that mounted fox hunting supports only 176 Full-Time Equivalent (FTE) jobs.

2.2 Although these employment estimates have been the focus of intense scrutiny, the key question is not how many jobs fox hunting currently supports, but rather how many jobs will be lost as a result of a ban. For example, in the case of fox control by the foot-packs of the Scottish Hill Packs Association (SHPA) and Fox Destruction Clubs (FDCs), the impact of a ban is likely to be minimal because similar employment levels will be generated by the adoption of alternative legal methods of fox control. Similarly, if all mounted hunt followers decided to switch to alternative activities such as drag hunting, the net impact on employment would be zero because these activities would require similar inputs of labour.

2.3 On the other hand, it is conceivable (although extremely unlikely), that hunt followers will stop riding altogether, will sell or kill their horses, and abandon their homes in the countryside. However, even under this scenario, the impact of a ban on rural jobs would be ameliorated because resources such as labour would be reinvested in other businesses and leisure pursuits. The rural economy is afterall a dynamic system, where resources are constantly being reinvested and transformed under the influence of market forces and government policies.

2.4 The net impact of the proposed ban on employment in mounted fox hunting is difficult to predict because considerable uncertainty surrounds the potential employment opportunities that may arise from the growth in other horse-related leisure activities, including drag-hunting, and in other rural businesses. The aim of this report is to critically assess these alternative employment opportunities.

2.5 The report is structured as follows. Section 3 provides an estimate of the current employment contribution of mounted fox hunting in rural Scotland. In Section 4 the potential of drag and bloodhound hunting to replace fox hunting is examined. Sections 5 to 7 deal with the changing rural economy and the possibilities for re-employment in alternative businesses and leisure activities. In Section 8 some of the other costs and benefits of the proposed ban are highlighted, with overall conclusions presented in Section 9.

3.1 There are nine registered mounted hunts in Scotland, five of which are located in the Scottish Borders (Baily, 1999). Hunts and mounted followers employ staff primarily as grooms on a full or part-time basis. Hunts and mounted followers also spend money on feed and bedding, vets, saddlery, clothes and entertainment. Expenditure on goods and services to support hunting also gives rise to indirect employment in other sectors. This employment, together with jobs associated with induced expenditure (that is the personal spending of local inhabitants that arises from income related to hunting) can also be attributed to fox hunting.

3.2 Based on survey data reported by Produce Studies Group (1998), the employment associated with mounted fox hunting in Scotland was estimated by Macmillan (1999) in terms of Full-Time Equivalent (FTE) jobs. Direct employment by mounted followers and by the hunts themselves was estimated to be 92 FTEs. With a further 84 FTEs created by expenditure of approximately £2 million on related goods and services, estimated total employment attributable to mounted fox hunting was 176 FTE jobs (Table 3.1).

Table 3.1 Total expenditure and employment associated with mounted fox- hunting in Scotland

3.3 This figure is considerably lower than estimates of up to 14 000 jobs provided by the supporters of fox hunting, and the independent figure of between 1200-1700 FTEs, given in a recent research note to the Scottish Parliament (Badger, 1999). However, these estimates are inflated because they have either: included jobs associated with other field sports such as angling; attributed all horse-related employment (grooms etc.) to fox hunting even although more than 50% of horses owned by fox-hunters are not used primarily for hunting (CEC, 1997); or have extrapolated English data directly to Scotland, without correcting employment inputs to account for the lower number of horses involved per hunt north of the Border.

3.4 If mounted hunting with dogs were no longer permitted, it is quite possible that few, if any, of these jobs would be lost to the rural economy due to employment in other activities or enterprises. In the sections that follow possibilities for re-employment are examined in some detail, beginning with the potential of drag and bloodhound hunting to substitute for fox hunting.

4.1 Drag hunting involves riding horses across open country in the pursuit of a scent left by a human, either running on foot or trailed on a scented ‘drag’ from a horse. Bloodhound hunts differ from drag hunts in that there are fewer hounds and the hounds chase a human quarry (e.g. a local athlete), rather than a dragged artificial scent.

4.2 Anti-hunting organisations have often asserted that drag and bloodhound hunts represent a cruelty-free alternative to fox hunting. This has been denied by fox hunting supporters on grounds that they are completely different sports and that opportunities to organise additional drag or bloodhound hunting events would be curtailed by a lack of suitable terrain. As few, if any jobs, would be lost if hunt-followers switched to drag or bloodhound hunts following the implementation of a ban on fox hunting, it is important to assess the validity of these arguments in a Scottish context.

4.3 In modern times, drag hunting is thought to have begun in the 1830’s and was popular among university students at Oxford and with military cadets, because it developed horsemanship and challenged the rider’s courage and skill. The sport has grown rapidly in the last thirty years, often in areas where fox hunting has been abandoned due to growing conflicts with other land users (Ward, 1999). Currently there are 17 packs of drag hounds and 11 packs of bloodhounds listed in Baily’s Hunting Directory 1997/98, none of which operate in Scotland (Badger, 1999).

4.4 Although the only obvious difference between drag/bloodhound hunting and fox hunting is that the latter can result in the death of a fox, pro-hunting supporters have argued that drag and bloodhound hunting would not appeal to most fox-hunters. For example, one fox hunting protagonist, writing to the Daily Telegraph (3/4/97), remarked that ‘most foxhunters I know regard drag-hunting as similar to paying for sex - it lacks the uncertainty of the chase’ (quoted in Badger, 1999). Somewhat more prosaically, the MDBA in a press release have stated that ‘drag hunting is an exciting equestrian sport, much enjoyed by its devotees, but it is a totally different type of sport to any other type of hunting with hounds'

4.5 To anyone outside the hunting world, these views are perhaps surprising, as both activities would appear to share the same sense of occasion and excitement of ‘the chase’. For example, many of the hunt’s traditions and practices, such as the stirrup cup at a local inn before the riders set off, the red jackets, and the hunting horns, are the same. Also, as the rest of the field is unaware of the route in drag/bloodhound hunting, there has to be a strong element of uncertainty and excitement during the chase. Indeed, some would argue that it is difficult to imagine that a human could not lay down a scent trail capable of challenging the most experienced and talented of riders (Ward, 1999).

4.6 Given the political nature of the issue it is difficult to assess the potential for drag hunting to substitute for fox hunting based on the comments of a few individuals. However, there is some evidence from south of the Border that would suggest that drag/bloodhound events are becoming increasingly popular among former fox hunters, with many hunts now over-subscribed (Ward, 1999).

4.7 The second limitation referred to by pro-hunting groups is a shortage of suitable terrain for drag and bloodhound hunting. For example, it is alleged that drag and blood hound hunting require large, contiguous areas of grassland (as opposed to arable land) to operate in, and that few such areas still exist. However, this claim would again appear to be contradicted by existing evidence from England, where many of the 30 drag and blood hunts incorporate significant areas of arable land within their hunting territory. Indeed, two drag hunts actually operate in East Anglia, a region with a very high proportion of arable land (Ward, 1999). One of the advantages of drag and bloodhound hunting of course, is that scent trails can be laid out in a way that efficiently utilises the area of land available, for example by linking fragmented areas of grassland together.

4.8 In any case, as Table 4.1 shows, there is no shortage of suitable land in Scotland because grassland and other grazing land accounts for over 60% of the total land area. In England, grassland accounts for only 40% of the land area, with 33% under crops or fallow compared to only 8% in Scotland. Even in the Borders region, which is one of Scotland’s most productive arable areas, the total area under arable is less than 20% (SBC, 1999).

Table 4.1 Percentage of land area according to land use

4.9 It is also alleged that many farmers who currently allow fox hunting on their land would be much less willing to support drag/bloodhound events because they do not help to control foxes. However, as fox hunting is thought to account for less than 5% of all foxes killed in Scotland (Badger, 1999), this claim is perhaps slightly tendentious. In any case, disturbance to farm operations and livestock caused by drag-hunting is likely to be lower than would occur with fox hunting, because the former can be deliberately routed away from sensitive areas during critical farming periods (such as lambing). In common with fox-hunts, drag hunts also provide a disposal service for the farmer’s dead stock.

4.10 A recent opinion poll of 1000 farmers found that support for fox and drag/bloodhound hunting was fairly similar. The survey, carried out by NOP in 1996 found that 56% of farmers would not allow drag/bloodhound hunting on their land, compared to 48% opposed to fox-hunting. Based on these findings, the League Against Cruel Sports extrapolated that as many as 60 000 farmers in the UK, covering up to 7.5 million hectares of agricultural land, would allow drag hunts on their land (Ward, 1999).

4.11 With agriculture in decline, many farmers are looking to diversify into new enterprises such as B&B, golf-ranges, fishing ponds and four-wheel driving events. Drag and bloodhound hunting could provide enterprising farmers with an opportunity to diversify and profit from organising events on their land. A variety of innovations to challenge all levels of ability, perhaps involving new race formats such as team-racing, could increase revenue by attracting new customers.

4.12 In fact, a ban on mounted fox hunting could herald the beginning of a new era for the sport of hunting on horse-back, through the exploitation of new links with television and advertising. Many horse competitions such as show-jumping and 3-day eventing currently earn substantial revenues from TV coverage and from their status as Olympic sports. It is not difficult to imagine drag or bloodhound hunts, free from the stigma of animal cruelty, developing along similar lines and appealing to a wider audience than is currently the case.

4.13 Overall, it would appear that the arguments put forward by the pro-hunting lobby concerning the limitations of drag and bloodhound hunting as alternatives to fox hunting are not very credible. Indeed, in an era where other pastimes have adapted to new circumstances (for example the introduction of ‘catch and return’ policies on major Scottish salmon rivers), it is hard to imagine that hunt followers, in the event of a ban, would choose not to participate in alternative sports which so clearly capture the thrill and the tradition of mounted fox hunting.

4.14 Nevertheless, one cannot overlook the possibility that some dedicated fox-hunters may actually decide to sell, or in extreme cases, even destroy their horses as a consequence of a ban. However, should this happen it does not follow that rural employment will be seriously affected because new employment opportunities will arise as a direct consequence of a ban. In order to appreciate how these new jobs would be created we have to first consider the dynamic nature of the rural economy.

The economy is a dynamic system within which resources, in response to both market forces and changes in government policy, are constantly being invested: as one business closes, another opens. In rural areas, farm steadings have been converted to craft workshops, farm labourers now work in IT, and land that once produced beef and cereals has been converted to new recreational uses. Any discussion of the potential employment impacts of a ban on fox hunting must therefore be cognisant of the potential for reinvestment in new activities and new jobs.

5.2 The rural economy is often portrayed as being more resistant to change and relatively less prosperous than the economy as a whole. However, there are a range of statistics which suggest that this may not actually be the case. For example, unemployment is now lower in rural areas than in many urban areas (Scottish Office, 1996), and the birth rate of new businesses in rural areas is higher than the Scottish average (Peat and Boyle, 1999).

5.3 There have also been some major changes in the economic profile of rural areas in Scotland over the last 20-30 years. Traditional primary industries such as agriculture and forestry are much less important than they once were. For example, in 1996 output from primary rural industries contributed only 3% to the total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Scotland, compared to over 5% in 1971 (Peat and Boyle, 1999). Between 1981 and 1991, employment in primary industries fell by 40%, with growth in the service sector accounting for an overall rise in rural employment of 6.5% during this period (Scottish Office, 1996). Even in predominately rural areas such as the Borders, agriculture and forestry account for less than 10% of employment (SBC, 1998).

5.4 The growth in the service sector, particularly the leisure industry, is the most significant manifestation of the changing economy. In 1988, leisure-related expenditure accounted for 12.2% of total household expenditure, but by 1998 this had risen to 16.1% to become the second largest category of expenditure behind food and drink (Peat and Boyle, 1999). In rural areas the service sector is highly dependent on tourism, one of Scotland’s largest industries. In Borders region for example, tourism injects about £70-80 million annually into the economy (STB, 1997). In the Highlands, leisure activities such as hillwalking and cycling generate a combined revenue of over £120 million annually and employ 4400 FTEs (HIEa and HIEb, 1999).

5.5 This expansion in leisure has significant implications for the future of the rural economy, and indeed for the ultimate employment impact of a ban on fox hunting. If land, stables and labour currently employed in fox hunting activities are redeployed in new leisure-related enterprises then the impact of a ban on the rural economy is unlikely to be significant. In the next section, the potential for growth in horse-related leisure activities and enterprises to replace employment in fox hunting is examined.

6.1 Drag and bloodhound hunting are only two of many alternative horse-related leisure activities that have the potential to create jobs in rural areas. Recreational horse-riding is becoming increasingly popular in Scotland, fuelled by rising household incomes, and greater leisure time. The Scottish Agricultural Census which includes all horses kept on agricultural holdings, reports a 75% increase in horse numbers between 1983 and 1998.

6.2 Traditional activities such as hacking, show jumping and pony-trekking remain popular, but new activities and enterprises are also emerging. These include:

6.3 In contrast, foxhunting as a horse-riding leisure activity is in decline. For example, CRC (1997) report a 10% decline in participation over the last ten years throughout the UK. During this same period, two out of a total of eleven Scottish hunts have been disbanded, with fewer than 1% of horses thought to be involved in fox hunting (Macmillan, 1999).

6.4 When assessing the potential impact of a ban on horse numbers and hence employment, one has to consider how a ban would affect the future growth of horse-related leisure activities. Supporters of fox hunting, by arguing that a ban would negatively affect employment, must assume that the number of horses in Scotland would be lower than would be the case if a ban was not introduced.

6.5 However, this view is not supported by historic trends in horse numbers provided by the Scottish Agricultural Census. Figure 6.1 illustrates the relative change in horse numbers in Scotland and for selected Local Authority areas over the last two decades relative to a base year of 1983. The general trend over the last ten years is one of strong growth, with an overall increase in horse numbers of 75%.

6.6 Comparisons between different Local Authority areas suggest that regional rates of growth vary considerably. In the Scottish Borders, for example, where hunting is strongest in Scotland, horse numbers have grown at a slower rate than the national average. In Aberdeenshire, where there are no registered hunts, horse numbers have increased by double the national rate over the same period.

6.7 The data for West Lothian and Midlothian (W&M), the former hunting ground of the Linlithgow and Stirlingshire (L&S) Hunt, is of particular interest. In 1991 this hunt was abandoned due to urban encroachment and persistent, organised protesting by hunt saboteurs. However, since the hunt ended, horse numbers have increased in this area faster than anywhere else in Scotland, with the rate of increase actually accelerating after 1991. This trend is all the more remarkable given that there are no organised drag/bloodhound hunting events in the area.

6.8 Although a range of factors can influence horse-ownership (such as household income, migration patterns, the profitability of agriculture etc.), this data suggests that the demise of fox hunting has, if anything, encouraged horse riding and by implication employment. Intuitively, this is a surprising finding, but one that can be explained by the economic forces of supply and demand.

6.9 As described earlier, horse riding is growing rapidly through the development and expansion of trail riding, pony trekking and other activities. However, this growth will be constrained by the availability and affordability of land, stables, labour and other resources required for horse riding. When hunting in the Lothians stopped in 1991, some of these resources would have become available at a lower price than would have been the case had hunting continued. The lower cost of horse-riding facilities would have encouraged the expansion of new and existing businesses. In a competitive market economy this price effect is a key driver of rural change: one activity will tend to replace another when the opportunity costs of investment fall.

Figure 6.1: Percentage change in horse numbers on main agricultural holdings in Scotland since 1983

6.10 In addition to ‘supply-side’ effects, it is also conceivable that a ban on fox hunting could stimulate demand for horse-riding among people who were previously discouraged from riding due to the sports association with fox hunting. Although there is no direct evidence available to support this argument, it is known from a 1997 MORI poll that a high proportion of existing horse-riders are against fox hunting with dogs (Ward, 1998).

6.11 Although more research would be required to investigate the growth in horse numbers in the Lothians, it is clear that the Agricultural Census data is not consistent with the claim that a ban on fox hunting will have a negative impact on horse ownership, and by implication jobs, in rural Scotland.

7.1 The overall employment impact of a fox hunting ban will be partly determined by its indirect impact on other businesses in the rural economy. Macmillan (1999), for example, estimates that more than half of all jobs associated with hunting are generated by expenditure on local goods and services such as hotels, pubs, outfitters, and vets.

7.2 Even in the unlikely event that dedicated fox hunters decided to stop riding altogether, they would in all likelihood continue to spend money in the local economy, through participation in other sporting activities, or merely by maintaining their traditional social life. For example, when the Wigtownshire Hunt was disbanded in the early 1990’s, members expressed a desire to continue the Hunt’s social life by organising dinners and a Hunt ball (Sunday Times, 3/3/91). Expenditure of this nature would help retain jobs in local businesses, shops and hotels.

7.3 As in the case of new horse-riding ventures, the increased availability of resources such as land and labour would also stimulate the growth of other businesses: stables could be converted to office accommodation or to craft workshops, and land and labour could be used in new recreational activities. For example, the Gaelic college on Skye, Sabhal Mor Ostaig, which has become an important employer on the island, was originally housed in converted stables.

7.4 The extent to which these new opportunities will replace employment associated with fox hunting will depend primarily on the labour required by these new businesses relative to hunting, and the degree to which these businesses are embedded in the rural economy.

8.1 When evaluating the economic consequences of a ban on fox hunting, one has to consider not only employment but also the impact on business profitability, animal welfare, and on farmers and other land users. Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) is an economic technique which could be used to weigh up the wider social costs and benefit of a ban.

8.2 Some of the benefits of a ban are relatively easy to measure in monetary terms: For example, the avoidance of costs relating to fence repair and to veterinary services that would arise when a horse is injured colliding with a dangerous fence. Other avoided costs are more difficult to value, such as the distress live-quarry hunting causes many members of the general public, or when a hunt intrudes directly upon people’s lives. For example, a concerned grandmother described the mayhem caused by a pack of hounds that entered a quiet suburban neighbourhood: ‘the hounds were running riot through people’s gardens and through a play area for children. Many of them were screaming and the poor school children were fending of the dogs with their satchels’ (reported in the Press and Journal, 11.10.99)

8.3 Methods of valuing these ‘non-market’ effects, such as contingent valuation, are now being widely applied to health, transport and environmental issues (see for example: Hanley et al., 1998; Macmillan and Duff, 1998). There is no reason why contingent valuation could not be applied to animal welfare issues such as fox hunting. Indeed, the growing subscription list of the International Fund for Animal Welfare, Advocates for Animals, and the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, provides evidence of the high economic value Scottish society places on animal welfare and conservation concerns.

8.4 A ban on fox hunting will also generate some costs to society: additional resources will be required to control the foxes that would otherwise have been killed by the hounds; some farmers will have to find alternative means to dispose of fallen stock; and some fox hunters who are not willing to switch to alternative sports would also ‘lose’. However, these costs are likely to be relatively small, and it is likely that more people will benefit from a ban that would lose. For example, in a recent opinion poll by MORI, 75% of the Scottish population said that they would like to ban hunting with hounds, with only 4% voicing opposition against such a ban.

9.1 Pro-hunting supporters have argued that a ban on fox hunting would have a negative impact on rural employment, with potentially hundreds of jobs being lost. However, this is unlikely to happen because labour and other resources associated with fox hunting would be reinvested in other enterprises and activities.

9.2 Drag and bloodhound hunts represent a cruelty-free alternative to mounted fox hunting, and few, if any, jobs would be lost if hunt-followers chose to participate in either of these substitute activities. Claims that drag hunting would be limited in Scotland by a lack of suitable terrain appear to be exaggerated, while fears that fox-hunters would not switch to drag-hunting are contradicted by evidence from England, where the growing popularity of drag hunting can, at least in part, be attributed to demand from fox-hunters.

9.4 The claim that a ban on mounted fox hunting will reduce the number of horses, and hence jobs in rural areas, is contradicted by available evidence. For example, data from the Scottish Agricultural Census show that horse-numbers actually increased more quickly in the Lothians, following the demise of fox hunting in the area, than in any other part of Scotland. The most plausible explanation for this rapid growth is that other horse-related leisure activities have expanded because resources such as labour, stables and land became available at a lower cost and were utilised more efficiently, than was the case prior to the demise of hunting.

9.5 A ban would also increase the availability of resources previously used by hunting to other rural businesses. For example, horse stables could be converted to living accommodation or office space. The extent to which employment associated with fox hunting will be replaced by new activities will depend primarily on the inputs of labour required relative to hunting, and the degree to which these new businesses are embedded in the rural economy.

9.6 Overall, it would appear that a ban on fox hunting is unlikely to have any significant negative effect on rural employment in Scotland. Existing evidence suggests that many jobs will be saved or created by a switch to drag or bloodhound hunting, and by the growth of new activities and businesses in rural areas. Indeed, depending on the labour inputs required by these new businesses, it is plausible that rural employment could actually rise as a result of a ban.

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